The emergence of the Supreme Privy Council. Formation of the Supreme Privy Council

After Peter the Great, Catherine the First ascended the throne. In order to navigate state affairs, choose the right direction in leading the country, and receive sensible explanations of the current state of affairs, the Empress, by her highest decree, decided to establish a state body that would consist of men experienced in political affairs, knowledgeable people loyal to the throne and Russia. This Decree was signed in February 1726. Thus, the Supreme Privy Council was created.

At first it consisted of only six people, and a month later their composition was replenished by Catherine’s son-in-law, the Duke of Holstein. All these people were close associates of Peter the Great, and over the years of service they established themselves as loyal subjects of His Imperial Majesty. But over time, people in the Council changed: Count Tolstoy was ousted by Menshikov under Catherine, Menshikov himself fell out of favor under Peter the Second and was exiled, then Count Apraksin died in death, and the Duke of Holstein simply stopped appearing at meetings. As a result, only three of the original advisers remained. Gradually, the composition of the Council changed radically: the princely families of Golitsyn and Dolgoruky began to predominate there.

Activity

The government was directly subordinate to the Council. The name also changed. If earlier the Senate was called “Governing”, now it could not be called anything other than “High”. The Senate was demoted to the point that decrees were sent to it not only by the Council, but even by its formerly equal Holy Synod. So the Senate from “Governing” turned into “Highly Trusted”, and then simply into “High”. Under Alexander Menshikov, who led the original Council, this body sought to consolidate its power as firmly as possible: from now on, all ministers and senators swore an oath either directly to the Empress, or to the Supreme Privy Council - equally.

Resolutions of any level, if they were not signed by the Empress or the Privy Council, were not considered legal, and their execution was prosecuted by law. Thus, under Catherine the First, the true power in the country belonged to the Privy Council, or, to be more precise, to Menshikov. Catherine left the “spiritual”, and, according to this last will, the Council was given power and powers equal to those of the sovereign. These rights were given to the Council only until Peter the Second came of age. The clause in the will regarding succession to the throne could not be changed. But it was precisely this point that the advisers ignored and appointed Anna Ioannovna to the throne immediately after the death of Peter the Second in 1730.

By that time, half of the eight members of the Council were princes Dolgoruky. The two Golitsyn brothers were like-minded people. Thus there was a strong coalition in the Privy Council. Dmitry Golitsyn became the author of “Conditions”. This document spelled out the conditions for Anna Ioannovna’s accession to the throne, severely limited the monarchy and strengthened the rights of the aristocratic oligarchy. The plans of the Dolgorukys and Golitsyns were opposed by the Russian nobility and two members of the Privy Council - Golovkin and Osterman. Anna Ioannovna received the appeal of the nobility, headed by Prince Cherkassy.

The appeal contained a request to accept the autocracy as it was among her ancestors. Supported by the guard, as well as the middle and minor nobility, Anna Ioannovna decided to demonstrate her unquestioning power: she publicly tore up the document (“Conditions”), refusing to comply with the rules outlined in it. And then she released a special Manifesto (03/04/1730), abolishing the body of the Supreme Privy Council. Thus, power in Russia returned to the imperial hands again.

After the dissolution of the Privy Council, the fates of the former supreme leaders developed differently. Council member Mikhail Golitsyn was dismissed, after which he soon died. His brother Dmitry, the author of the “Conditions,” and three princes Dolgoruky were executed by order of Empress Anna. Vasily Vladimirovich Dolgoruky was arrested, and then remained in captivity at the Solovetsky Monastery. The new empress, Elizaveta Petrovna, brought him back from exile and even appointed him president of the Military Collegium. But at the top of power under Anna Ioannovna, Golovkin and Osterman remained, holding the most important government positions. Osterman even for some time (1840 - 41) actually ruled the country. But he did not escape repression: Empress Elizabeth in 1941 sent him to the city of Berezov (Tyumen region), where he died six years later.

All the time that the monarchy existed in Russia, there was a struggle between the desire of the royal person to single-handedly resolve all issues and the desire of the most high-born and high-ranking representatives of the Russian elite to get real powers of state power into their hands.

This struggle went on with varying success, leading either to bloody repressions against the nobility or to conspiracies against the monarch.

But after the death of the emperor Peter the Great an attempt was made not just to limit the power of the monarch, but to turn him into a figurehead, transferring all real powers to a government consisting of the most influential representatives of the Russian nobility.

Peter the Great at the end of his life harbored the idea of ​​creating government agency, standing above the Senate. According to the emperor’s plan, such an institution was to exist in a consultative and executive body in his person for assistance in solving state issues.

Peter the Great did not have time to put his idea into practice, nor did he have time to leave a will in order to resolve the issue of a successor. This provoked a political crisis, which ended with the decision to ascend the throne of Peter's wife under the name of Empress Catherine I.

Government under the Empress

Catherine I, aka Marta Samuilovna Skavronskaya, she's the same Ekaterina Alekseevna Mikhailova, did not have her husband’s abilities in government. Moreover, the empress was not eager to shoulder the entire burden of state affairs.

Therefore, Peter’s idea of ​​​​creating a structure that would become a government under the monarch again became relevant. Now we were talking about a body endowed with real powers.

The new institution was named the Supreme Privy Council. The decree on its creation was signed on February 19, 1726. Its first composition included Field Marshal General His Serene Highness Alexander Danilovich Menshikov, Admiral General Count Fedor Matveevich Apraksin, State Chancellor Count Gabriel Ivanovich Golovkin, count Pyotr Andreevich Tolstoy, prince Dmitry Mikhailovich Golitsyn, baron Andrey Ivanovich Osterman.

In essence, it was a team assembled by Peter the Great, which continued to rule the Russian Empire without its creator.

A month later, the Duke was included in the number of members of the Supreme Privy Council Karl Friedrich of Holstein, husband Anna Petrovna, daughter of Peter I and Catherine I, father of the future emperor Peter III . Despite such a high honor, the Duke could not have any real influence on Russian politics.

Lineup change

There was no unity within the Supreme Privy Council itself. Each fought to strengthen their own influence, and His Serene Highness Prince Menshikov advanced further than others in this, who tried to become a man whose word would be decisive in Russian Empire.

Menshikov managed to achieve the resignation of Peter Tolstoy from the Supreme Privy Council, whom he considered one of the most dangerous competitors.

The triumph of His Serene Highness, however, did not last long - Catherine I died in 1727, and Menshikov lost the fight for influence over the young Emperor Peter II. He fell into disgrace, lost power, and together with his family found himself in exile.

According to the will of Empress Catherine I, due to her infancy Peter II, grandson of Peter the Great, the Supreme Privy Council was temporarily vested with power equal to that of the sovereign, with the exception of the right to appoint an heir to the throne.

The composition of the Council changed seriously - except for Tolstoy and Menshikov, the Duke of Holstein no longer appeared in it, and in 1728 Count Apraksin died.

In their places, representatives of princely families were included in the Supreme Privy Council Dolgorukov And Golitsyns, who subordinated themselves to the influence of Peter II.

Dynastic crisis

By 1730, the Supreme Privy Council included princes Vasily Lukich, Ivan Alekseevich, Vasily Vladimirovich And Alexey Grigorievich Dolgorukovs, and Dmitriy And Mikhail Mikhailovich Golitsyn. Besides them, only two old members remained on the Council - Osterman and Golovkin.

The Dolgorukovs prepared the wedding of Peter II and the princess Ekaterina Dolgorukova, which was supposed to finally consolidate their dominant position in the empire.

However, in January 1730, the 14-year-old emperor fell ill with smallpox and died. The Dolgorukovs, despairing of the destruction of their plans, tried to forge the will of Peter II in favor of Ekaterina Dolgorukova, but this idea failed.

With the death of Peter II, the male line of the family was cut short Romanovs. A similar situation happened with Rurikovich, plunged Russia into Troubles, which no one wanted to repeat. Representatives of the Russian elite agreed that if a man from the Romanov family cannot be a monarch, then it must be a woman.

Among the candidates considered were the daughter of Peter I Elizaveta Petrovna, daughter John V Anna Ioannovna, and even the first wife of Peter the Great Evdokia Lopukhina, released from prison by Peter II.

As a result, the Supreme Privy Council agreed on the candidacy of the daughter of co-ruler and brother of Peter I John V, Anna Ioannovna.

“Conditions” for Anna Ioannovna

At the age of 17, Anna Ioannovna was married to the Duke of Courland Friedrich Wilhelm. Three months later, Anna was widowed and returned to her homeland, but at the behest of Peter she was again sent to Courland, where she lived in the not very prestigious status of dowager duchess.

In Courland, Anna Ioannovna lived for 19 years in an environment that was more hostile than friendly, and was strapped for money. Due to the fact that she was removed from her homeland, she did not have any connections in Russia, which suited the members of the Supreme Privy Council most of all.

Prince Dmitry Golitsyn, taking into account the position of Anna Ioannovna, proposed to condition her accession to the throne with restrictions that would assign power not to her, but to the Supreme Privy Council. The majority of the “highest authorities” supported this idea.

Unknown artist. Portrait of Prince Dmitry Mikhailovich Golitsyn. Source: Public Domain

The conditions put forward to Anna Ioannovna were enshrined in the “Conditions” drawn up by Dmitry Golitsyn. According to them, the empress could not independently declare war or make peace, introduce new taxes and taxes, spend the treasury at her own discretion, promote to ranks higher than colonel, grant estates, deprive a nobleman of life and property without a trial, marry, or appoint an heir to the throne.

Such restrictions actually deprived the monarch of autocratic power, transferring it to the Supreme Privy Council. The implementation of these plans could direct the development Russian statehood along a completely different path.

Everything secret becomes clear

The “higher authorities” who sent the “Conditions” to Anna Ioannovna reasoned simply - a woman strapped for money without family and support would agree to anything for the sake of the empress’s crown.

And so it happened - on February 8, 1730, Anna Ioannovna signed the “Conditions”, and the next day she went to Moscow, where members of the Supreme Privy Council were waiting for her.

Meanwhile, the “Conditions” were not agreed upon by the “higher-ups” with anyone, although they presented them to Anna Ioannovna as a demand of the entire people. Their calculation was that first the new empress would approve the conditions, and only then all other Russians would be presented with a fait accompli.

However, it was not possible to hide the “Conditions”. The news that the Dolgorukovs and Golitsyns intend to take control of state power, caused sharp discontent among other representatives of the nobility. Fermentation began in Moscow.

After entering Russia, Anna Ioannovna was carefully protected from communication, so as not to let her additional information. However, to prohibit her from meeting with her sisters, the Duchess of Mecklenburg Ekaterina Ioannovna and the princess Praskovya Ioannovna, it was impossible. They explained to Anna that the situation was such that there was no point in giving in to the “higher-ups” and limiting one’s own power.

On February 26, 1730, Anna Ioannovna arrived in Moscow, where troops and senior government officials swore allegiance to her. In the new form of the oath, some previous expressions that meant autocracy were excluded, but there were no expressions that would mean a new form of government, and, most importantly, there was no mention of the rights of the Supreme Privy Council and the conditions confirmed by the Empress.

Anna Ioannovna and her retinue. Photo: www.globallookpress.com

The Empress Strikes Back

On March 6, opponents of the Supreme Privy Council filed a petition to the Empress demanding the liquidation of the Council, the restoration of autocracy, the destruction of the Conditions and the restoration of the power of the Senate.

Everything was decided on March 8, 1730. On this day, the petition was submitted to Anna Ioannovna in the presence of members of the Supreme Privy Council in the Lefortovo Palace. The Empress accepted the petition and immediately invited the “higher-ups” to dinner, thus isolating them from the possibility of taking any action.

The palace where the events took place was surrounded by the imperial guard, whose commanders advocated the preservation of autocratic power.

The discussion of the issue finally ended at four o'clock in the afternoon, when the State Councilor Maslov brought Anna Ioannovna “Conditions” and she publicly tore them up.

The new empress remained an autocratic ruler, and for the Supreme Privy Council and its members it was a disaster.

On March 12, 1730, a new oath to Anna Ioannovna took place, this time on the terms of autocracy, and three days later the Supreme Privy Council was abolished by the imperial manifesto.

Anna Ioannovna tears up the “Conditions”.

Domestic history contains many episodes in which the process of transfer of power from one leader to another took place. Sometimes these were bloody palace coups and revolutions. Sometimes the change of power occurred without bloodshed.

In the eighteenth century, in the Russian Empire, as in many other countries of the civilized world, the first preconditions for a crisis of autocratic power gradually began to appear.

This article will tell the reader one of these episodes. Russian history, where let on a short time, but the reins of government were taken into their hands by a group of high-ranking officials - the Supreme Privy Council.

Peter the Great died. The first emperor of the Russian Empire left behind a great legacy that had to be managed competently. At the same time, Catherine the First, who ascended the imperial throne after the death of Peter, was quite far from state affairs.

Thus, the need arose for the formation of the Supreme Privy Council - a body that will carry out public administration on behalf of the autocrat. In addition, the influence of the nobility gradually increased, and it was no longer possible to ignore it. By creating a state governing body consisting of nobles, it was possible to control this influential part of the population.

So, in February 1726, the Supreme Privy Council was established by Empress Catherine the First.

Initially, the council was conceived as a small group of people competent in matters of government. The first composition of the Supreme Privy Council included the most influential associates of Peter the Great. This decision is due to the ability to coordinate all areas of government activity. Let us take a closer look at the personalities of all members of the Supreme Privy Council.

Alexander Danilovich Menshikov

The largest Russian military and political figure, the closest associate and one of the most trusted persons of Emperor Peter the Great. Menshikov was next to Peter both in the youth of the future emperor, when he was working out the system of the future army in the “amusing” regiments, and during the decisive moments of Peter’s military campaigns in the first quarter of the eighteenth century. Menshikov personally influenced the outcome of many of them.

Successful military service contributed to a dizzying military and government career Menshikov. Resignedly carrying out the sovereign's decrees, Alexander Danilovich, a few days before the founding of St. Petersburg, was already listed as its governor-general, thus becoming the first person to hold this position.

For his zeal in serving the sovereign, Menshikov received the military rank of cavalry general, and for his participation in the Battle of Poltava, where the Swedish army was defeated and almost completely captured under the command of Alexander Danilovich, he was awarded the rank of field marshal general.

As a result of successful service, Menshikov's wealth and influence quickly increased. For example, for the defeat of the troops of Hetman Mazepa statesman the village of Ivanovskoye and the villages nearby were granted.

According to historians, it was Menshikov who actually determined the domestic and foreign policy of the Russian Empire after the death of Peter the Great. Enjoying significant influence on the council, Menshikov remained " eminence grise" of the Russian court until his overthrow and exile.

Fedor Matveevich Apraksin

Also from the inner circle of Peter the Great. This man stood at the origins of the creation of the Russian Navy, heading the Admiralty Board for a long time.

Apraksin, like Menshikov, had a rapid military career. The naval commander gained a significant share of fame after a successful campaign against Ottoman Empire and the capture of the city of Azov.

Fyodor Matveevich Apraksin occupied one of the leading positions in state and military affairs of the Russian Empire, second only to Menshikov in the Supreme Privy Council. The official retained his influence until his death in 1728.

Gabriel Ivanovich Golovkin

The “Grand Chancellor,” as he was called, was Peter the Great’s confidant as president of the College of Foreign Affairs. A born diplomat, Golovkin gained fame as a flexible politician and one of the wealthiest people of that era.

Contemporaries often noted that, despite all his prosperity, Gabriel Ivanovich always tried to dress poorly and denied himself many things. According to one version, the politician’s childhood, associated with constant need, had an effect.

Golovkin was the third most important member of the Supreme Privy Council, but was able to maintain his status and influence, despite the changeability of the era of “palace coups.”

Chancellor Golovkin also noted that he was at enmity with the Dolgoruky princes, who dominated the council after the change of the first composition.

Petr Andreevich Tolstoy

Count, founder of the famous Tolstoy dynasty, from which they became descendants in the future famous writers and artists, including the author of the famous novel "War and Peace".

At the time of the formation of the Supreme Privy Council, Count Tolstoy held the position of head of the Secret Chancellery - a secret service created under Peter the Great. Also, Pyotr Andreevich Tolstoy oversaw the judiciary of the Russian Empire.

Dmitry Mikhailovich Golitsyn

Prince, one of the best business executives of Peter the Great's time. He had a lot of experience in modernizing fortifications and preparing them for the war with the Swedes.

At one time, Golitsyn was in charge of the Chamber Collegium, whose competence included the collection of taxes and distribution of the treasury, and various economic issues.

Looking ahead, it should be said that it was Golitsyn who was the author of the “Conditions” of the Supreme Privy Council, aimed at significantly limiting autocracy in the Russian Empire.

Heinrich Johann Friedrich Ostermann

Andrei Ivanovich (in the Russian version) Osterman is one of the most important figures in Russian foreign policy of the first half of the eighteenth century.

Coming from Germany, Andrei Ivanovich could easily navigate any difficult situation and enjoyed the trust of Peter the Great. For a long time served as vice-chancellor.

If we analyze the first composition of this advisory body, we can conclude that Empress Catherine the First gathered around herself truly competent and knowledgeable people capable of resolving issues in any branch of management. The council included experienced military personnel, skilled diplomats, and managers.

As often happens, in the highest deliberative government agency At that time, a struggle for power began.

The first victim of this struggle was Count Tolstoy, whose presence in the council was constantly disputed by Menshikov.

After a short period of time, the unofficial leader of the council, Menshikov, finds himself exiled to Siberia on charges of embezzling state money.

The death of Apraksin in 1728 also made adjustments to the composition of the council.

The council governed all areas Russian society. Here the most important military decisions were made, the course was laid foreign policy country, internal issues of the state were discussed.

At its core, the council combined the best leaders of Peter’s time, called upon to help the monarch in state matters.

Through its activities, the Supreme Privy Council greatly undermined the position of the Senate, placing it below the Holy Synod - supreme body church-state administration of the country.

THE BEGINNING OF THE REIGN OF CATHERINE I

The new nobility that emerged under Peter I, enlisting the support of the guard regiments summoned to the palace, elevated Catherine to the throne. This woman was narrow-minded, illiterate, incapable of managing a huge empire, but she was popular, thanks to her kindness she often acted as an intercessor to her stern husband on behalf of those who had fallen into disgrace, and knew how to tame his anger. In practice, power ended up, however, in the hands of the intelligent and ambitious Prince A.D. Menshikov. Under the empress, in 1726, the Supreme Privy Council was created, which, in addition to representatives new nobility led by Menshikov, Prince D. M. Golitsyn, personifying the noble aristocracy, was also included.

Proclaimed by the Senate not entirely legally, under pressure from the guards, Catherine sought support in people close to the throne at the moment of Peter’s death, and here most of all they were afraid of the strengthening of Menshikov’s impudence, and from the very first days of the new reign there were rumors of frequent gatherings of dignitaries […] . But Catherine’s supporters also thought about self-defense measures: already in May 1725, there was a rumor about the intention to establish in the queen’s office a close council of intimate, unborn friends of her and Menshikov, headed by them, which, standing above the Senate, would decide the most important matters. […] A rumor spread throughout the capital that dissatisfied nobles were thinking of elevating Grand Duke Peter to the throne, limiting his power. Tolstoy settled the quarrel with a deal with the dissatisfied, the result of which was the Supreme Privy Council, established by decree on February 8, 1726. With this institution they wanted to calm the offended feeling of the old nobility, which was excluded from supreme control by unborn upstarts. The Supreme Privy Council was composed of six members; five of them, together with the foreigner Osterman, belonged to the new nobility (Menshikov, Tolstoy, Golovkin, Apraksin), but the sixth was the most prominent representative of the noble boyars - Prince D. M. Golitsyn. According to the decree of February 8, the Supreme Privy Council is not an entirely new institution: it was made up of actual privy councilors, who, as “first ministers,” by virtue of their positions already had frequent secret councils on the most important state affairs, consisting of senators, and three, Menshikov , Apraksin and Golovkin, also presidents of the main boards: Military, Naval and Foreign. Eliminating the inconvenience of such “busy work,” the decree turned their frequent meetings into a permanent public office with exemption from senatorial duties. Members of the Council submitted an “opinion” to the Empress on several points, which was approved as the regulations of the new institution. The Senate and collegiums were placed under the supervision of the Council, but remained under their old charters; Only cases of particularly important importance, not provided for in them or subject to the highest decision, that is, requiring new laws, they had to transfer with their opinion to the Council. This means that the Senate retained administrative power within the limits of the current law, while losing legislative power. The Council acts under the chairmanship of the Empress herself and inseparably from the supreme power; it is not a “separate collegium,” but a kind of expansion of the individual supreme power into a collegial form. Further, the regulations decreed that no decrees should be issued until they had “completely taken place” in the Privy Council, were recorded and read to the Empress “for approbation.” These two points are the main idea of ​​the new institution; everything else is just technical details that develop it. In these points: 1) the supreme power refused individual action in the manner of legislation, and this eliminated intrigues, approaches to it through secret ways, temporary work, favoritism in management; 2) a clear distinction was made between the law and a simple order on current affairs, between acts, the change of which deprived the management of the character of regularity. Now no important matter could be reported to the Empress besides the Supreme Privy Council, no law could be promulgated without prior discussion and decision in the Supreme Privy Council.

Klyuchevsky V.O. Russian history. Full course of lectures. M., 2004. http://magister.msk.ru/library/history/kluchev/kllec70.htm

CHANGES IN MANAGEMENT

Immediately after the death of Peter, some changes began in management and in economic policy governments, partly already familiar to us. [...] But these new institutions were not durable and did not last long. In them (in the Supreme Privy Council and Cabinet) that bureaucratic nobility “supreme gentlemen ministers” gathered, which even under Peter often controlled the Senate. But under Peter, the senior administrative officials close to him were not organized into an institution and did not have the influence that they received under the weak representatives of power after Peter (women and children). Platonov S.F. A complete course of lectures on Russian history. SPb., 2000 http://magister.msk.ru/library/history/platonov/plats005.htm#gl6

INTRIGUES AROUND THE CREATION OF THE SUPREME PRIVATE COUNCIL

In April 1725, the Empress instructed the governing Senate to come to her every week on Fridays for a report; but in the same month a rumor had already spread that a new higher institution would be installed over the Senate, the members of which would be a few of the most trusted and noble persons. […] At the beginning of the new year, 1726, a rumor spread that dissatisfied nobles wanted to elevate Grand Duke Peter to the throne with a limitation of his power, that the Austrian court favored this, that the movement would begin in the Ukrainian army, commanded by Prince Mikhail Mikhailovich Golitsyn. Tolstoy, seeing the danger for Catherine and her daughters, began to work hard to stop the displeasure, went to Menshikov, Golitsyn, Apraksin, and the result of these trips and meetings was the establishment of the Supreme Privy Council, where the main dignitaries should be members of equal importance. presided over by the empress herself, where, consequently, no one could carry out anything without general knowledge and discussion.

http://magister.msk.ru/library/history/solov/solv18p4.htm

DECREE ON THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE SUPREME PRIVATE COUNCIL 1726

“We have already seen that secret active councilors, in addition to senate government, have a lot of work to do in the following matters: 1) that they often have, in their positions, like first ministers, secret councils on political and other important state affairs; 2) from them Some sit as presidents in the first collegiums, which is why in the first and very necessary matter, in the Privy Council, a lot of confusion is caused to them, and in the Senate, business stops and continues because they, due to their busyness, cannot quickly make resolutions on state internal affairs. For the sake of this, we decided and commanded from now on at our court, both for external and internal important state affairs, to establish a Supreme Privy Council, at which we ourselves will be present in that Supreme Privy Council from the first senators, and. instead of them, others will be elected to the Senate, who will always be with us in the Secret Supreme Council to the following persons: Field Marshal General and Secret Actual Advisor, His Serene Highness Prince Menshikov; Admiral General and Secret Active Advisor Count Apraksin; State Chancellor, Secret Actual Advisor Count Golovkin; secret active adviser Count Tolstoy; secret active adviser to Prince Golitsyn; Vice-Chancellor and Secret Actual Advisor Baron Osterman."

Soloviev S.M. History of Russia from ancient times. M., 1962. Book. 18. Ch. 4. http://magister.msk.ru/library/history/solov/solv18p4.htm

ORGANIZATION OF MANAGEMENT AND OFFICE PROCESS

“TO RELIEF HER MAJESTY IN THE HEAVY BURDEN OF RULE...”

The elected members submitted to the Empress “an opinion not in the decree on the newly established Privy Council”:

1) “The Privy Council can meet on Wednesday for domestic and internal affairs, and on Friday for foreign affairs, but when a lot of business happens, an emergency congress is appointed.

2) Since Her Majesty herself has the presidency in the Privy Council and there is reason to hope that she will often be personally present, this Privy Council should not be considered a special board, because it only serves to relieve Her Majesty from the heavy burden of government, all things will sooner get done, and more than one person will think about increasing the security of Her Majesty and the state; so that it is safer to issue decrees in her high name, it is necessary to write in them like this: at the beginning - “we, by God’s grace, etc.”, in the middle - “we command, etc.” and at the end - “given in our Privy Council.”

3) No decrees should be issued before, until they have completely taken place in the Privy Council, the protocols have not been enshrined and will not be read to Her Majesty for the most merciful approbation, and then they can be enshrined and sent out by the actual state councilor Stepanov.

4) Reports, denunciations or representations that may come to the Supreme Privy Council for decision are signed directly in the name of Her Imperial Majesty with the addition: to the submission to the Privy Council.

5) When Her Majesty herself deigns to be present, then, with her most merciful permission, offer whatever she pleases; when she does not deign to be present, then it is better to give each member some department or department about what matters he has to offer, in order to first judge sufficiently: a) whether this matter is necessary; b) how best to solve it, so that it would be easier for the Imperial Majesty to make his decision.

6) In the Privy Council, two protocols must be kept: one - in the form of a journal, which does not need to be signed; the other must contain resolutions and definitions, and its members enshrine.

7) The Privy Council needs to have its own office and divide its affairs so that everything is orderly and can be dispatched in a timely manner without confusion. Since this office should serve as a model for others, it is necessary that there should not be so much unnecessary correspondence in it and the staff should not be burdened with unnecessary servants; Therefore, in the establishment of the office it is necessary to act very carefully and decide everything with great reasoning, so that it would be safer in the maintenance of secret affairs.

8) Foreign ministers remain at the College of Foreign Affairs; but the collegium must always report their proposals to Her Imperial Majesty in the Privy Council.

9) Cases subject to the jurisdiction of the Privy Council are: a) foreign; b) all those that concern Her Imperial Majesty’s own highest decision.

10) The Senate and other collegiums remain with their charters; but matters of special importance, about which there are no definitions in the charter or which are subject to Her Imperial Majesty’s own decision, they must submit with their opinion to the Supreme Privy Council.

11) The first three collegiums (Foreign, Military and Naval) cannot be under the Senate, just as the Foreign Collegium has never depended on it.

12) Appeals to the Senate and three colleges to Her Imperial Majesty should be allowed and considered in the Supreme Privy Council; but if the appeal turns out to be unfounded, then the person appealing is punished by deprivation of life, honor and property, so that Her Majesty and the Privy Council are not bothered with daring appeals.

13) Since the Privy Council has oversight over all colleges and other institutions, about which various useful definitions can be made, there is no need to rush too much, because all this is done in the highest name of Her Imperial Majesty, so that the benefit of the entire empire could be all the better received and found the greatest glorification among the people and was obvious. Since relations with the Senate and other collegiums have stopped because they do not know how to title the Senate, because it is no longer possible to write to the government, in order to give the Senate the title “highly trusted” or simply “high” Senate. The Synod writes decrees to the Senate on old ordinary matters, and reports new ones to the Imperial Majesty in the Privy Council."

Soloviev S.M. History of Russia from ancient times. M., 1962. Book. 18. Ch. 4. http://magister.msk.ru/library/history/solov/solv18p4.htm

SUPREME TAIL COUNCIL AND SENATE

It was necessary first of all to determine the relationship of the new institution to the old Senate. On February 12, the Senate listened to a decree sent from the Supreme Privy Council: the decree stated that the Senate should write reports to the Council, and the Council would send decrees to the Senate; that the Senate should communicate with the collegiums - Foreign, Military and Admiralty - with promemories. The offended senators determined that since the decree of the empress, announced by him on February 9, ordered that matters be corrected according to decrees, regulations and the Senate office, and was not written that the Senate should be subordinate to the Supreme Privy Council, then the decree sent from Supreme Council, return there with the announcement that the Senate, without a decree, is for with my own hand The empress, contrary to her position, is afraid to subjugate herself. By virtue of this decision, the Senate executor Elagin went to the ruler of the office of the Supreme Privy Council, Stepanov, in order to return the decree to him. Stepanov answered him that he did not dare accept a decree from him and that he should go to the members of the Supreme Privy Council. Elagin objected that he was not ordered to go to anyone, he was ordered to give the order to him, Stepanov; and if he does not accept the decree, then he will put it down. Stepanov replied that if he, Elagin, leaves the decree, he will put it in his bosom. Then the executor took the decree back, and the next day Makarov came to the Senate with an announcement that Her Majesty had ordered that the decree be carried out, and on the same day the Empress verbally repeated to the senators this command to carry out the decree temporarily until it was given detailed instructions. The former name of the Senate “governing” was replaced by the word “high”. It is determined that

There was a need for an institution that could explain the state of affairs to the empress and guide the direction of the government’s activities, which Catherine did not feel capable of. Such an institution was the Great Council, which shook the very foundation of the government system of Peter the Great. The decree on the establishment of the V. Privy Council was issued in February. Field generals were appointed its members. His Serene Highness Prince Menshikov, Admiral General Count Apraksin, State Chancellor Count Golovkin, Count Tolstoy, Prince Dimitry Golitsyn and Baron Osterman. A month later, the empress’s son-in-law, the Duke of Holstein, was included in the number of members of the V. Privy Council, whose zeal, as officially stated by the Empress, we can fully rely. Thus, V.'s privy council at the beginning was composed almost exclusively of Petrov's nest chicks; but already under Catherine I, one of them, Count Tolstoy, was ousted by Menshikov; under Peter II, Menshikov himself found himself in exile; Count Apraksin died; the Duke of Holstein has long ceased to be on the council; Of the original members of the V. T. Council, three remained - Golitsyn, Golovkin and Osterman. Under the influence of the Dolgorukys, the composition of the High-Town Council changed: the dominance in the High-Town Council passed into the hands of the princely families of the Dolgorukys and Golitsyns.

Supreme Privy Council, a body of unlimited supreme power, arose under Catherine I. It included: Prince. Menshikov, Counts Golovkin, Apraksin and Tolstoy, book. Golitsyn, bar. Osterman and Catherine I's son-in-law, Duke of Holstein. V.t.s. carried out the demands of the large commercial and industrial bourgeoisie; Another class force took up arms against this activity - the nobility. The Supreme Privy Council, in particular, abolished the restrictive regulation of trade, allowed trade with foreign countries through Arkhangelsk (under Peter I, foreign trade was allowed only through St. Petersburg), and abolished a number of government monopolies. Neglect of V. t.s. The interests of the nobility caused acute discontent among the nobles, which broke out after the death of Peter II.